Author Archive

Save The Cold Harbor Battlefield

Posted on December 11th, 2017 under . Posted by

Save The Cold Harbor Battlefield

If you’re like me, you know the story of the Battle of Cold Harbor. You know that on June 3, 1864, General Ulysses S. Grant ordered a massive assault against Robert E. Lee’s army across a seven-mile wide front approximately nine miles northeast of Richmond, Virginia. The Union assault was disjointed, with some troops going forward as ordered and others holding back. Even worse, the Yankees marched into the teeth of extremely well-entrenched Confederates who cut them down wholesale. The affair was so one-sided that Grant later wrote that he “always regretted” the attack on June 3, 1864.

But there is another part of the story of Cold Harbor, one that is often glossed over in history. On June 1, 1864 two days before the infamous seven-mile wide assault Union and Confederate troops fought at Cold Harbor with much different results.

Early on June 1, Lee ordered a portion of his command to attack Union cavalry who had seized the Old Cold Harbor crossroads. The Yankee horsemen easily repulsed the Confederates, who then pulled back and began to dig in. Hoping to strike the Rebels before they completed their entrenchments, Grant ordered the Sixth and Eighteenth Corps to attack. After brushing aside Confederate skirmishers, the Federals engaged in a fierce struggle with Lee’s men, much of it hand-to-hand, over the incomplete breastworks. Darkness ultimately ended the fighting on June 1, with the Southerners falling back to the line they would later occupy on June 3.

My friends, you and I have the historic opportunity to save five crucial tracts totaling 55 acres at Cold Harbor. This is some of the most important land left save at Cold Harbor, including the land over which the Yankees charged in their fight on June 1, and a portion of the line held by Confederates during the fighting on June 3. This is hallowed ground indeed.

Help us preserve the memory of those Americans who fought and died on this land in 1864 by saving these 55 acres. Help save Cold Harbor.

The Civil War Trust

Save The Cold Harbor Battlefield

Posted on December 11th, 2017 under . Posted by

Save The Cold Harbor Battlefield

If you’re like me, you know the story of the Battle of Cold Harbor. You know that on June 3, 1864, General Ulysses S. Grant ordered a massive assault against Robert E. Lee’s army across a seven-mile wide front approximately nine miles northeast of Richmond, Virginia. The Union assault was disjointed, with some troops going forward as ordered and others holding back. Even worse, the Yankees marched into the teeth of extremely well-entrenched Confederates who cut them down wholesale. The affair was so one-sided that Grant later wrote that he “always regretted” the attack on June 3, 1864.

But there is another part of the story of Cold Harbor, one that is often glossed over in history. On June 1, 1864 two days before the infamous seven-mile wide assault Union and Confederate troops fought at Cold Harbor with much different results.

Early on June 1, Lee ordered a portion of his command to attack Union cavalry who had seized the Old Cold Harbor crossroads. The Yankee horsemen easily repulsed the Confederates, who then pulled back and began to dig in. Hoping to strike the Rebels before they completed their entrenchments, Grant ordered the Sixth and Eighteenth Corps to attack. After brushing aside Confederate skirmishers, the Federals engaged in a fierce struggle with Lee’s men, much of it hand-to-hand, over the incomplete breastworks. Darkness ultimately ended the fighting on June 1, with the Southerners falling back to the line they would later occupy on June 3.

My friends, you and I have the historic opportunity to save five crucial tracts totaling 55 acres at Cold Harbor. This is some of the most important land left save at Cold Harbor, including the land over which the Yankees charged in their fight on June 1, and a portion of the line held by Confederates during the fighting on June 3. This is hallowed ground indeed.

Help us preserve the memory of those Americans who fought and died on this land in 1864 by saving these 55 acres. Help save Cold Harbor.

The Civil War Trust

Osprey Games Announce Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth!

Posted on December 8th, 2017 under . Posted by

Osprey Games Announce Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth!

Osprey Games is delighted to announce its new graphic adventure card game, Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth, based on the classic 2000AD comic characters.

Duncan Molloy, Games Developer at Osprey Games, has worked with Rebellion to create a new Judge Dredd game using the core mechanics of Osprey’s bestselling 2017 release, The Lost Expedition, from designer Peer Sylvester. Discussing the project, he said, “I’m a huge fan of The Lost Expedition, and from early in development it felt like the best example I’ve seen of a board game capturing the tone of a comic book. To be able to pair the system with one of the most interesting and detailed comic book worlds ever devised has been a joy. Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth will feature entirely new mechanics, such as radiation tracking and psychic abilities, to really capture the feel of Dredd’s world.”

Rebellion’s Brand Licensing Manager, Damien Treece, commented, “we’re thrilled to be working with the team at Osprey Games on this new partnership. Osprey and Duncan have a terrific understanding of the world of Judge Dredd and a reputation for publishing high quality games, leaving us in no doubt that Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth will be a perfect fit.”

Osprey Publishing Ltd

Osprey Games Announce Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth!

Posted on December 8th, 2017 under . Posted by

Osprey Games Announce Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth!

Osprey Games is delighted to announce its new graphic adventure card game, Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth, based on the classic 2000AD comic characters.

Duncan Molloy, Games Developer at Osprey Games, has worked with Rebellion to create a new Judge Dredd game using the core mechanics of Osprey’s bestselling 2017 release, The Lost Expedition, from designer Peer Sylvester. Discussing the project, he said, “I’m a huge fan of The Lost Expedition, and from early in development it felt like the best example I’ve seen of a board game capturing the tone of a comic book. To be able to pair the system with one of the most interesting and detailed comic book worlds ever devised has been a joy. Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth will feature entirely new mechanics, such as radiation tracking and psychic abilities, to really capture the feel of Dredd’s world.”

Rebellion’s Brand Licensing Manager, Damien Treece, commented, “we’re thrilled to be working with the team at Osprey Games on this new partnership. Osprey and Duncan have a terrific understanding of the world of Judge Dredd and a reputation for publishing high quality games, leaving us in no doubt that Judge Dredd: The Cursed Earth will be a perfect fit.”

Osprey Publishing Ltd

The Final Crisis And The Onslaught On Poland

Posted on December 8th, 2017 under . Posted by

Dismissal of Polish Customs Inspectors Von Weizsacker and the “Persecution” of Poles Invasion of Silesia Hitler Sees British Ambassador Baseless Charges Rebutted Pact with Soviet Hitler’s ” Peaceful Intentions” Fuehrer and Sir Nevile Henderson Britain’s Word Von Ribbentrop’s Fury Britain and France Present their Ultimatums Britain at War

Tin situation at Danzig had rapidly  deteriorated at, the beginning of August, and the high-handed action on August 4 of the Danzig Senate in dismissing the customs inspectors at four posts on the Danzig East Prussian frontier led to the most vigorous protests. The Germans intervened denying that any such order had been given. Colonel Beck, however, had documentary proof to the contrary, and replied that any further attempt to compromise the rights and interests of Poland would be regarded as an act of aggression. On August 16 Sir Nevile Henderson, our Ambassador in Berlin, reported the result of a stormy interview of the evening before with State Secretary K Baron von Weizséicker.  From this it became perfectly clear that the chicanery of German diplomacy was to be employed to make out a case of violence and persecution against the Poles, so that the contemplated violation of their territory might be justified. Herr Hitler’s patience, von Weizséicker indicated, was now exhausted. Underlying our Ambassadors calm account one senses a highly unpleasant interview. ” We A disputed with acrimony about the rights and wrongs of the case without either apparently convincing the other.” By this time the full seriousness of the situation was realized and, as Sir Neville pointed out, events were drifting towards a situation in which neither side would be in a position to give way. Again the point was made perfectly clear to the German statesman that if Germany resorted to force Britain would resist with force. The State Secretary, who was clearly expressing the views of  the German Government, flatly turned down the suggestion that they should make some conciliatory gesture, and said that he could not believe that the British obligations to Poland meant that it was necessary for her to follow blindly every eccentric step on the part of a lunatic.”

During this historic discussion the number of persecutions by the Poles of innocent Germans grew to “ thousands ” and at the end Sir Nevile left the German minister apparently unmoved by his insistence on the inevitability of British intervention. The “ persecution” canard fostered by the Nazi propaganda deserves examination in the light of documents published in the British Blue Book. Sir Horace Kennard, British Ambassador in Warsaw, was at great pains to verify or refute the German accusations. On August 24 he declared himself perfectly satisfied that the campaign was a gross distortion and exaggeration of the facts. He described as “ merely silly ” the German accounts that Poles had beaten Germans with chains, thrown them on barbed wire, or forced them to shout insults against Herr Hitler in chorus. In one specific case of a German arrested in connexion with the murder of a Polish policeman on August 15 it was stated in the German press that he had been beaten to death and his wife and children thrown out of the window. A British newspaper correspondent had had an interview with the “victim” in prison, had found that he had never been beaten and was in excellent health, and that the story about his wife and children was a complete fabrication. On the other hand, Sir H. Kennard spoke of the wholesale removal of Poles from frontier districts in Silesia and E. Prussia, the smashing of property, and other forms of persecution by Germans. Gradually the baiting and pin-prick incidents on the frontier increased. German bands not of irregulars but of fully equipped military detachments crossed the Silesian frontier, firing shots and attacking blockhouses and customs posts. The stories of persecutions of the German minority, though substantially the same as those fabricated against Czecho Slovakia in the previous year, were made to appear many times worse in the case of Poland. The object of these ruses was, in the case of the frontier incidents, to provoke retaliation which might easily be construed as Polish aggression; and in the persecution stories to arouse German indignation at the supposed ill treatment of their fellow nationals, which would foster the war spirit in Germany.

It was becoming clear that Hitler had planned the complete extinction of Poland and was employing what the Prime Minister called his sickeningly familiar technique. Not till the last shred of hope was abandoned did Mr. Chamberlain cease to put the British case fairly and squarely to Herr Hitler. Never again should it be said that war was precipitated by the obscurity which surrounded the British attitude. The Disquieting news of a German-Soviet agreement made no difference to the determination of Britain and France to uphold their pledges to Poland. Mr. Chamberlain reiterated this in a letter to the Fuehrer on August 22, adjuring him to pause before plunging Europe into war.

But the Fuehrer continued to rave and storm and to bring clattering down on the table the hand that had so often held the perjured pen. He received the British Ambassador on the night of August 23. Herr von Ribbentrop was still in Russia sealing his bargain with Stalin, and when that calm, dignified diplomat, Sir Nevile Henderson, was ushered into the fastness of Berchtesgaden he found himself confronted not by a leader of a great nation remorselessly and silently pursuing a reasoned course, but by a man beside himself with passion, howling invective at those who were attempting to stay his hand in its pursuit of tyranny. In the stream of abuse which fell on the surprised Ambassadors ears, again  centring round the supposed persecution of the Germans by the Poles, the excited Fuehrer advanced the fantastic story that the Poles were castrating Germans. Sir Neville said he knew of one case of a sex maniac being treated as he deserved. Not one word of reason could be instilled. All   Britain’s fault Britain who had incited the Czechs, so that ultimately they had to be crushed Britain who was driving Poland to its doom Britain who had forced him into agreement with Russia. It is at least to the Fuehrer’s credit that he was not over enthusiastic about this volte face and the jettisoning of yet another cargo of solemn vows and protestations.

What of this strange bargain, the news of which burst like a bombshell on an incredulous world? It will be remembered that at the time there was staying in Moscow a British military mission discussing problems of cooperation between Great Britain and Russia. Stalin’s main object, it appeared was to safeguard the defences of the Soviet he desired a free hand in the Baltic provinces which formerly had been part of Russia and now hedged him in from the sea. On this point, as was natural, the British Government did not see eye to eye with Stalin. Further, realizing that Britain could not prevent the Nazi conquest of Poland, the Soviet leader intended to regain territory that had been taken away in 1920. Failing to reach an agreement with Britain, he allowed the deliberations to continue while negotiating with Germany for a pact of nonaggression. The text of this agreement ran as follows

Non-aggression Pact Between Germany And The Union Of The Soviet Socialist Republics. The Government of the German Reich and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. guided by the desire to strengthen the cause of peace between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and taking as a basis the fundamental regulations of the Neutrality Agreement concluded in April 1926 between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, have reached the following agreement

Article l. The two Contracting Parties bind themselves to refrain from any act of force, any aggressive action and any attack on one another, both singly and also jointly with other Powers.

Art. 2. In the event of one of the Contracting Parties becoming the object of warlike action on the part of a, third Power, the other Contracting Party shall in no manner support this third Power.

Art. 3. The Governments of the two Contracting Parties shall in future remain continuously in touch with one another, by way of consultation, in order to inform one another on questions touching their joint interests.

Art. 4. Neither of the two Contracting Parties shall participate in any grouping of Powers which is directed directly or indirectly against the other Party.

Art. 5. In the event of disputes or disagreements arising between the Contracting Parties on questions of this or that, kind, both Parties would clarify these disputes or disagreements exclusively by means of friendly exchange of opinion or, if necessary by arbitration committees.

Art. 6. The present Agreement shall be concluded for a period of ten years on the understanding that, in so far as one of the Contracting Parties does not give notice of termination one year before the end of this period, the period of validity of this Agreement shall automatically be regarded as prolonged for a further period of five years.

Art. 7. The present Agreement shall be ratified within the shortest possible time. The instruments of ratification shall be exchanged in Berlin. The Agreement takes effect immediately after it has been signed.

This document was signed by von Ribbentrop and Molotov, on August 23, 1939.

On August 24, the British parliament met and the Prime Minister admitted that the announcement of the pact had come as a surprise very unpleasant surprise, to the Government, but even at this last hour he hoped that reason and sanity might still prevail. He refuted absolutely the German lie that it was the British guarantee to Poland that led Poland to refuse negotiations over the return of Danzig and the Corridor to the Reich. That refusal had taken place before the British guarantee was made. In a noble peroration he said that if war should come we should not be fighting for the political future of a faraway city in a foreign land, but for the preservation of the principles of the observance of international agreements once they have been entered into and the renunciation of force in the settlement of inter national differences.

From this time onwards the grim progress of the warmongers is marked by more intrigue and more provocative incidents. Polish sentries were attacked and their bodies mutilated. In Berlin the Polish Ambassador had an interview with Field-Marshal Goering, who was “ most cordial.” He talked platitudes, and then the real reason for his excessive cordiality became apparent. He had a suggestion to make. Danzig and so forth were small matters. The real stumbling block to friendly relations was Poland’s alliance with Britain. If that could be removed, heaven knows what years of peace and prosperity lay before Poland. Had it succeeded this would have been a master stroke of chicanery, for Germany would have alienated Poland from France and Britain, and could have swallowed her prey at leisure, with no immediate threat on her Western border. But the Poles never even considered the suggestion. On August 25 the Fuehrer made a further attempt to buy off the intervention of the Allies with soft words and fulsome protestations of his pacific intentions. Once this Polish question was decided he had no further claims on Europe. He would settle down to the peaceful reconstruction of his country as an artist rather than a soldier. Memory was not so short as to forget other protestations and pledges of this character broken and thrown aside as soon as some new tempting bait presented itself. Still the efforts of the British Government to secure a peaceful solution never wavered. The Fuehrer was answered in temperate terms, offered every possible assistance in negotiation with the Poles, but assured again most firmly that an armed attack on that country would bring France and Britain in against Germany.

In this connexion there was an illuminating conversation on the evening of August 28 between the Fuehrer and Sir Nevile Henderson, who had said that Britain’s word was her word and she never had and never would break it. He then quoted a passage from a German book about Marshal Blücher exhortation to his troops when hurrying to the support of Wellington at Waterloo, Forward, my children  have given my word to my brother Wellington, and you cannot wish me to break it. To this Hitler replied:  Things were different 125 years ago. Sir Nevile then acidly observed, not so far as England is concerned, and asked Hitler what value he would place on British friendship, which he said that he desired, if the first act was one of disloyalty to a friend? There is no recorded answer to this question.

One of the most inspiring features of all is the calm, straightforward attitude of Britain as exemplified by her Ambassador in dealing with Hitler and his politicians. To Hitler’s reiterated plea that he would welcome British friendship there was always the answer that such friendship was his if he would agree to a settlement by direct negotiation with Poland. Britain was prepared to make concessions if an atmosphere of confidence were restored,but under no circumstances could they be exacted by a threat of force. Never was a great nation’s attitude more unequivocally explained. And while the British Cabinet and their emissary were struggling to make Hitler see how easily he could avert the misery with which he threatened the world and the ruin which he was inviting for himself, his armies were already marching towards the Polish frontier. On August 29, two days before the invasion of Poland, the Fuehrer made a proposal which was to lead to a signal perjury. He first demanded that Poland should send Colonel Beck or some other plenipotentiary to see him on the following day to receive his “ terms.”

This was in itself an impossible proposition. As the British Ambassador in Warsaw wired I feel sure that it would be impossible to induce the Polish Government to send M. Beck or any other representative immediately to Berlin to discuss a settlement on basis proposed by Herr Hitler. They would sooner fight and perish rather than submit to such humiliation, especially after examples of Czechoslovakia, Lithuania and Austria. Poland, he felt, would not listen to a dictated settlement. The impudence of this proposal to repeat to  at Polish statesman the studied insults of a ready made conqueror met with a blank refusal. The normal diplomatic method of communication between the two countries was for Herr Hitler to hand to the Polish Ambassador in Berlin whatever terms of negotiation he proposed. This point was stressed by Sir Nevile Henderson in an interview with Ribbentrop. At the same time he told the German that the British Government had constantly urged the Polish Government to avoid provocative action.  With damned little effect, replied that ex commercial traveller.  I mildly retorted, said Sir Nevile,  that I was surprised to hear such language from a Minister of Foreign Affairs. The previous  terms  the Germans proposed to hand to Poland were read by Ribbentrop in German and at top speed. Sir Nevile got the gist of them and asked for a copy., Ribbentrop replied that it was now too late, as no Polish representative had arrived by midnight. To Sir Nevile’s suggestion that he should send for the Polish Ambassador and communicate them to him, Ribbentrop· replied in most violent language that he would never ask the Ambassador to visit him. Herr von Ribbentrop’s demeanour, Sir Nevile telegraphed Lord Halifax,  was aping Herr Hitler at his worst.

Under such impossible conditions efforts were still continued during August 3l to open direct negotiations between Poland and Germany. It was not until the evening of that day that von Ribbentrop received M. Lipski, the Polish Ambassador in Berlin. lt was after this interview that the German proposals were broadcast. The terms issued by wireless from Berlin that night took the following form

 (1) The Free City of Danzig. by virtue of its undeniably German character and the unanimous wish of its population, shall immediately be attached to the Reich.

(2) A corridor stretching from the Baltic to the line Marienwerder Graudenz Kulm Bromberg (including these towns) and then towards the west as far as Schoenlank shall be allowed to speak for itself as to whether it wishes to be attached to Germany or Poland.

(3) For this purpose a plebiscite Will be organized in this territory in which will ‘ participate all Germans domiciled in the territory in January 1918, and Poles and Kassubes born in this territory after that t date or domiciled in a permanent manner in this territory since that date. as well as Germans expelled from this territory. In order to ensure an impartial plebiscite and to make the necessary preparations the territory in question will be immediately submitted, as was the case with the Saar Basin, to an international commission  formed from the four Great Powers Italy, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, and France. To this end the territory is to be evacuated in the shortest possible time by Polish troops, police, and authorities.

(4) From this territory will be excepted the Port of Gdynia, which is in principle sovereign Polish territory to the extent that this port is inhabited by Poles. The definite frontiers of this Polish port are to be settled between Germany and Poland, and if necessary by international arbitration.

(5) In order to assure the necessary time for the necessarily extensive preparations for the carrying out of a just plebiscite this plebiscite Will not take place before the expiry of 12 months.

(6) In order, during this time, to guarantee to Germany its communications with East Prussia, and to Poland her communication with the sea, roads and railways will be laid down rendering free transit possible. In this connexion only those dues would be levied as are necessary for the maintenance of communications or the carrying out of transportation.

(7) The division of the territory will be decided by a simple majority of the votes cast.

(8) In order, after the plebiscite has taken place quite apart from how it may result to guarantee the safety of Germany’s free traffic with its province of  Danzig East Prussia, and to guarantee Poland’s connexion with the sea, Germany will receive, in the event of the plebiscite region falling to Poland, an extra territorial traffic zone in the direction of Butow Danzig or Dirschau, for the construction of a motor road and a four-track railway line. The road and the railway shall be constructed in such a manner that the Polish lines of communication will not be affected that is to say, it will be crossed either by viaducts or by tunnels. The width of the territory shall be fixed at one kilometre and this zone will remain German sovereign territory. If the plebiscite is advantageous to Germany, Poland shall receive the same right to extra-territorial roads and railways in order to ensure Polish traffic with the Port of Gdynia.

(9) In the event of the return of the Corridor to the German Reich an exchange of populations shall take place between Poland and Germany in so far as conditions in the Corridor perinit.

(10) Negotiations are to take place regarding the special rights desired by Poland in Danzig and similar rights desired by Germany in Gdynia.

(11) In order to remove the feeling of a threat, both Danzig and Gdynia shall receive the character of trading cities pure and simple that is to say, without any military establishments or fortifications.

(12) The Hela Peninsula will be completely demilitarized whether it falls, to Germany or to Poland.

(13) As the German Reich has strong complaints to make and Poland also believes she has grievances, both parties agree to submit these complaints to an international commission. Germany and Poland undertake to repair all economic and other damage that has occurred since 1918, or pay equivalent compensation, and to annul all expropriations.

(14) In order to remove the feeling of loss of national rights on the part of Germans remaining in Poland and Poles remaining in Germany, and to guarantee that they are not employed for actions or services which are incompatible with their national feeling, both parties shall undertake to protect the rights of each other’s minorities by agreements; in particular respecting freedom of organization of these minorities. Both parties undertake not to conscript members of these minorities for military service.

(15) After agreement in principle has been reached on these proposals Germany and Poland shall declare themselves prepared immediately to order the demobilization of their respective armed forces.

(16) Further measures that may be required to expedite the carrying out of the above agreement shall be the subject of mutual agreement between Germany and Poland. The boundary or base of the suggested plebiscite area referred to in Point 2 of the proposals would run from Marienwerder, at the westernmost extremity of East Prussia, 20 miles south of Marienburg, through Graudenz (Grudziadz), a Polish border town on the river Vistula, then through Bromberg (Bydgoszcz), a town with a population of more than 117,000, and strike west to Schönlanke, a German town on the border of Pomerania, 15 miles W.S.W. of Schneidemühl.

M. Lipski at once tried to get in touch with Warsaw, but all means of communication had deliberately been cut. The Polish Government never had an opportunity of considering Hitler’s terms, which were never communicated to them before they were broadcast to the world. Nor were they communicated to the British Government in writing before this broadcast. The German troops were marching into Poland when Hitler, on September 1, issued his perjured proclamation to the German Army.

The Polish State has refused the peaceful settlement of relations which I desired, and has appealed to arms. Germans in Poland are persecuted with bloody terror and driven from their houses series of violations of the frontier, intolerable to a great Power, prove that Poland is no longer willing to respect the frontier of the Reich. In order to put an end to this lunacy, I have no other choice than to meet force with force from now on. The German Army will fight the battle for the honour and the vital rights of  reborn Germany with hard determination. I expect that every soldier, mindful of the great traditions of eternal German soldiery, will ever remain conscious that he is a representative of the National Socialist Greater Germany. Long live our people and our Reich.

The Polish state has refused the peaceful settlement of relations which I desired. What the Polish state in reality refused was to send a plenipotentiary to Berlin to accept terms which they had never seen and we now know to be intolerable proposed under the threat of war. Messages between the British and German Governments passed until the early morning of September 3. At eleven o’clock on that day the Prime Minister declared Great Britain to be at war. The senseless ambition  of one man had  plunged Europe into an armed conflict the end of which no man could foresee. France, too, had imposed a time limit, and after 5 p.m. was also at war, which could only end when ·Hitlerism had been destroyed and a liberated Europe re-established.

During these fateful weeks noble efforts were made by His Holiness the Pope and the heads of neutral nations to secure a settlement by negotiation. President Roosevelt addressed messages to the King of Italy, to Herr Hitler, and to President Moscicki of Poland. On August 23 the King of the Belgians, in the name of the Oslo group of states represented by the King of Denmark, the President of Finland, the Grand  Duchess of Luxemburg, the King of Norway, the Queen of the Netherlands, and the King of Sweden, broadcast an appeal for peace a noble and generous appeal as the French Government termed it in their reply. Armies are gathering for a horrible struggle, he said,  which will know neither victor nor vanquished  the world is

moving in such a period of tension that there is a risk that all inter- national cooperation should become impossible lack of confidence reigns everywhere. But there is no people which wants to send its children to their deaths. All the States have the same interest. Time is getting short. If we wait much longer it will become more difficult to make direct contacts? Further, King Leopold and Queen Wilhelmina offered their personal mediation, a gesture welcomed by Britain, France and Italy. Then, on August 24, the Pope broadcast a most moving address to the world. A grave hour is striking for the great human family, he said,  an hour of tremendous deliberation, in which our spiritual authority cannot disinterest itself from the task of inducing mankind to return to the path of justice and truth lt is with the force of reason and not with that of arms that justice advances. Conquests and empires not founded on justice are not blessed by God. The danger is vast, but there is still time. Nothing is lost by peace. Everything is lost by war. Finally, Signor Mussolini, who by this time had decided to remain neutral, offered it convene an international, conference. But no neutral good will,` no appeal to humanity could budge for a moment the remorseless decision of one man.

Second Great War – a Standard History (9 Volume Set)

 

The Final Crisis And The Onslaught On Poland

Posted on December 8th, 2017 under . Posted by

Dismissal of Polish Customs Inspectors Von Weizsacker and the “Persecution” of Poles Invasion of Silesia Hitler Sees British Ambassador Baseless Charges Rebutted Pact with Soviet Hitler’s ” Peaceful Intentions” Fuehrer and Sir Nevile Henderson Britain’s Word Von Ribbentrop’s Fury Britain and France Present their Ultimatums Britain at War

Tin situation at Danzig had rapidly  deteriorated at, the beginning of August, and the high-handed action on August 4 of the Danzig Senate in dismissing the customs inspectors at four posts on the Danzig East Prussian frontier led to the most vigorous protests. The Germans intervened denying that any such order had been given. Colonel Beck, however, had documentary proof to the contrary, and replied that any further attempt to compromise the rights and interests of Poland would be regarded as an act of aggression. On August 16 Sir Nevile Henderson, our Ambassador in Berlin, reported the result of a stormy interview of the evening before with State Secretary K Baron von Weizséicker.  From this it became perfectly clear that the chicanery of German diplomacy was to be employed to make out a case of violence and persecution against the Poles, so that the contemplated violation of their territory might be justified. Herr Hitler’s patience, von Weizséicker indicated, was now exhausted. Underlying our Ambassadors calm account one senses a highly unpleasant interview. ” We A disputed with acrimony about the rights and wrongs of the case without either apparently convincing the other.” By this time the full seriousness of the situation was realized and, as Sir Neville pointed out, events were drifting towards a situation in which neither side would be in a position to give way. Again the point was made perfectly clear to the German statesman that if Germany resorted to force Britain would resist with force. The State Secretary, who was clearly expressing the views of  the German Government, flatly turned down the suggestion that they should make some conciliatory gesture, and said that he could not believe that the British obligations to Poland meant that it was necessary for her to follow blindly every eccentric step on the part of a lunatic.”

During this historic discussion the number of persecutions by the Poles of innocent Germans grew to “ thousands ” and at the end Sir Nevile left the German minister apparently unmoved by his insistence on the inevitability of British intervention. The “ persecution” canard fostered by the Nazi propaganda deserves examination in the light of documents published in the British Blue Book. Sir Horace Kennard, British Ambassador in Warsaw, was at great pains to verify or refute the German accusations. On August 24 he declared himself perfectly satisfied that the campaign was a gross distortion and exaggeration of the facts. He described as “ merely silly ” the German accounts that Poles had beaten Germans with chains, thrown them on barbed wire, or forced them to shout insults against Herr Hitler in chorus. In one specific case of a German arrested in connexion with the murder of a Polish policeman on August 15 it was stated in the German press that he had been beaten to death and his wife and children thrown out of the window. A British newspaper correspondent had had an interview with the “victim” in prison, had found that he had never been beaten and was in excellent health, and that the story about his wife and children was a complete fabrication. On the other hand, Sir H. Kennard spoke of the wholesale removal of Poles from frontier districts in Silesia and E. Prussia, the smashing of property, and other forms of persecution by Germans. Gradually the baiting and pin-prick incidents on the frontier increased. German bands not of irregulars but of fully equipped military detachments crossed the Silesian frontier, firing shots and attacking blockhouses and customs posts. The stories of persecutions of the German minority, though substantially the same as those fabricated against Czecho Slovakia in the previous year, were made to appear many times worse in the case of Poland. The object of these ruses was, in the case of the frontier incidents, to provoke retaliation which might easily be construed as Polish aggression; and in the persecution stories to arouse German indignation at the supposed ill treatment of their fellow nationals, which would foster the war spirit in Germany.

It was becoming clear that Hitler had planned the complete extinction of Poland and was employing what the Prime Minister called his sickeningly familiar technique. Not till the last shred of hope was abandoned did Mr. Chamberlain cease to put the British case fairly and squarely to Herr Hitler. Never again should it be said that war was precipitated by the obscurity which surrounded the British attitude. The Disquieting news of a German-Soviet agreement made no difference to the determination of Britain and France to uphold their pledges to Poland. Mr. Chamberlain reiterated this in a letter to the Fuehrer on August 22, adjuring him to pause before plunging Europe into war.

But the Fuehrer continued to rave and storm and to bring clattering down on the table the hand that had so often held the perjured pen. He received the British Ambassador on the night of August 23. Herr von Ribbentrop was still in Russia sealing his bargain with Stalin, and when that calm, dignified diplomat, Sir Nevile Henderson, was ushered into the fastness of Berchtesgaden he found himself confronted not by a leader of a great nation remorselessly and silently pursuing a reasoned course, but by a man beside himself with passion, howling invective at those who were attempting to stay his hand in its pursuit of tyranny. In the stream of abuse which fell on the surprised Ambassadors ears, again  centring round the supposed persecution of the Germans by the Poles, the excited Fuehrer advanced the fantastic story that the Poles were castrating Germans. Sir Neville said he knew of one case of a sex maniac being treated as he deserved. Not one word of reason could be instilled. All   Britain’s fault Britain who had incited the Czechs, so that ultimately they had to be crushed Britain who was driving Poland to its doom Britain who had forced him into agreement with Russia. It is at least to the Fuehrer’s credit that he was not over enthusiastic about this volte face and the jettisoning of yet another cargo of solemn vows and protestations.

What of this strange bargain, the news of which burst like a bombshell on an incredulous world? It will be remembered that at the time there was staying in Moscow a British military mission discussing problems of cooperation between Great Britain and Russia. Stalin’s main object, it appeared was to safeguard the defences of the Soviet he desired a free hand in the Baltic provinces which formerly had been part of Russia and now hedged him in from the sea. On this point, as was natural, the British Government did not see eye to eye with Stalin. Further, realizing that Britain could not prevent the Nazi conquest of Poland, the Soviet leader intended to regain territory that had been taken away in 1920. Failing to reach an agreement with Britain, he allowed the deliberations to continue while negotiating with Germany for a pact of nonaggression. The text of this agreement ran as follows

Non-aggression Pact Between Germany And The Union Of The Soviet Socialist Republics. The Government of the German Reich and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. guided by the desire to strengthen the cause of peace between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and taking as a basis the fundamental regulations of the Neutrality Agreement concluded in April 1926 between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, have reached the following agreement

Article l. The two Contracting Parties bind themselves to refrain from any act of force, any aggressive action and any attack on one another, both singly and also jointly with other Powers.

Art. 2. In the event of one of the Contracting Parties becoming the object of warlike action on the part of a, third Power, the other Contracting Party shall in no manner support this third Power.

Art. 3. The Governments of the two Contracting Parties shall in future remain continuously in touch with one another, by way of consultation, in order to inform one another on questions touching their joint interests.

Art. 4. Neither of the two Contracting Parties shall participate in any grouping of Powers which is directed directly or indirectly against the other Party.

Art. 5. In the event of disputes or disagreements arising between the Contracting Parties on questions of this or that, kind, both Parties would clarify these disputes or disagreements exclusively by means of friendly exchange of opinion or, if necessary by arbitration committees.

Art. 6. The present Agreement shall be concluded for a period of ten years on the understanding that, in so far as one of the Contracting Parties does not give notice of termination one year before the end of this period, the period of validity of this Agreement shall automatically be regarded as prolonged for a further period of five years.

Art. 7. The present Agreement shall be ratified within the shortest possible time. The instruments of ratification shall be exchanged in Berlin. The Agreement takes effect immediately after it has been signed.

This document was signed by von Ribbentrop and Molotov, on August 23, 1939.

On August 24, the British parliament met and the Prime Minister admitted that the announcement of the pact had come as a surprise very unpleasant surprise, to the Government, but even at this last hour he hoped that reason and sanity might still prevail. He refuted absolutely the German lie that it was the British guarantee to Poland that led Poland to refuse negotiations over the return of Danzig and the Corridor to the Reich. That refusal had taken place before the British guarantee was made. In a noble peroration he said that if war should come we should not be fighting for the political future of a faraway city in a foreign land, but for the preservation of the principles of the observance of international agreements once they have been entered into and the renunciation of force in the settlement of inter national differences.

From this time onwards the grim progress of the warmongers is marked by more intrigue and more provocative incidents. Polish sentries were attacked and their bodies mutilated. In Berlin the Polish Ambassador had an interview with Field-Marshal Goering, who was “ most cordial.” He talked platitudes, and then the real reason for his excessive cordiality became apparent. He had a suggestion to make. Danzig and so forth were small matters. The real stumbling block to friendly relations was Poland’s alliance with Britain. If that could be removed, heaven knows what years of peace and prosperity lay before Poland. Had it succeeded this would have been a master stroke of chicanery, for Germany would have alienated Poland from France and Britain, and could have swallowed her prey at leisure, with no immediate threat on her Western border. But the Poles never even considered the suggestion. On August 25 the Fuehrer made a further attempt to buy off the intervention of the Allies with soft words and fulsome protestations of his pacific intentions. Once this Polish question was decided he had no further claims on Europe. He would settle down to the peaceful reconstruction of his country as an artist rather than a soldier. Memory was not so short as to forget other protestations and pledges of this character broken and thrown aside as soon as some new tempting bait presented itself. Still the efforts of the British Government to secure a peaceful solution never wavered. The Fuehrer was answered in temperate terms, offered every possible assistance in negotiation with the Poles, but assured again most firmly that an armed attack on that country would bring France and Britain in against Germany.

In this connexion there was an illuminating conversation on the evening of August 28 between the Fuehrer and Sir Nevile Henderson, who had said that Britain’s word was her word and she never had and never would break it. He then quoted a passage from a German book about Marshal Blücher exhortation to his troops when hurrying to the support of Wellington at Waterloo, Forward, my children  have given my word to my brother Wellington, and you cannot wish me to break it. To this Hitler replied:  Things were different 125 years ago. Sir Nevile then acidly observed, not so far as England is concerned, and asked Hitler what value he would place on British friendship, which he said that he desired, if the first act was one of disloyalty to a friend? There is no recorded answer to this question.

One of the most inspiring features of all is the calm, straightforward attitude of Britain as exemplified by her Ambassador in dealing with Hitler and his politicians. To Hitler’s reiterated plea that he would welcome British friendship there was always the answer that such friendship was his if he would agree to a settlement by direct negotiation with Poland. Britain was prepared to make concessions if an atmosphere of confidence were restored,but under no circumstances could they be exacted by a threat of force. Never was a great nation’s attitude more unequivocally explained. And while the British Cabinet and their emissary were struggling to make Hitler see how easily he could avert the misery with which he threatened the world and the ruin which he was inviting for himself, his armies were already marching towards the Polish frontier. On August 29, two days before the invasion of Poland, the Fuehrer made a proposal which was to lead to a signal perjury. He first demanded that Poland should send Colonel Beck or some other plenipotentiary to see him on the following day to receive his “ terms.”

This was in itself an impossible proposition. As the British Ambassador in Warsaw wired I feel sure that it would be impossible to induce the Polish Government to send M. Beck or any other representative immediately to Berlin to discuss a settlement on basis proposed by Herr Hitler. They would sooner fight and perish rather than submit to such humiliation, especially after examples of Czechoslovakia, Lithuania and Austria. Poland, he felt, would not listen to a dictated settlement. The impudence of this proposal to repeat to  at Polish statesman the studied insults of a ready made conqueror met with a blank refusal. The normal diplomatic method of communication between the two countries was for Herr Hitler to hand to the Polish Ambassador in Berlin whatever terms of negotiation he proposed. This point was stressed by Sir Nevile Henderson in an interview with Ribbentrop. At the same time he told the German that the British Government had constantly urged the Polish Government to avoid provocative action.  With damned little effect, replied that ex commercial traveller.  I mildly retorted, said Sir Nevile,  that I was surprised to hear such language from a Minister of Foreign Affairs. The previous  terms  the Germans proposed to hand to Poland were read by Ribbentrop in German and at top speed. Sir Nevile got the gist of them and asked for a copy., Ribbentrop replied that it was now too late, as no Polish representative had arrived by midnight. To Sir Nevile’s suggestion that he should send for the Polish Ambassador and communicate them to him, Ribbentrop· replied in most violent language that he would never ask the Ambassador to visit him. Herr von Ribbentrop’s demeanour, Sir Nevile telegraphed Lord Halifax,  was aping Herr Hitler at his worst.

Under such impossible conditions efforts were still continued during August 3l to open direct negotiations between Poland and Germany. It was not until the evening of that day that von Ribbentrop received M. Lipski, the Polish Ambassador in Berlin. lt was after this interview that the German proposals were broadcast. The terms issued by wireless from Berlin that night took the following form

 (1) The Free City of Danzig. by virtue of its undeniably German character and the unanimous wish of its population, shall immediately be attached to the Reich.

(2) A corridor stretching from the Baltic to the line Marienwerder Graudenz Kulm Bromberg (including these towns) and then towards the west as far as Schoenlank shall be allowed to speak for itself as to whether it wishes to be attached to Germany or Poland.

(3) For this purpose a plebiscite Will be organized in this territory in which will ‘ participate all Germans domiciled in the territory in January 1918, and Poles and Kassubes born in this territory after that t date or domiciled in a permanent manner in this territory since that date. as well as Germans expelled from this territory. In order to ensure an impartial plebiscite and to make the necessary preparations the territory in question will be immediately submitted, as was the case with the Saar Basin, to an international commission  formed from the four Great Powers Italy, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, and France. To this end the territory is to be evacuated in the shortest possible time by Polish troops, police, and authorities.

(4) From this territory will be excepted the Port of Gdynia, which is in principle sovereign Polish territory to the extent that this port is inhabited by Poles. The definite frontiers of this Polish port are to be settled between Germany and Poland, and if necessary by international arbitration.

(5) In order to assure the necessary time for the necessarily extensive preparations for the carrying out of a just plebiscite this plebiscite Will not take place before the expiry of 12 months.

(6) In order, during this time, to guarantee to Germany its communications with East Prussia, and to Poland her communication with the sea, roads and railways will be laid down rendering free transit possible. In this connexion only those dues would be levied as are necessary for the maintenance of communications or the carrying out of transportation.

(7) The division of the territory will be decided by a simple majority of the votes cast.

(8) In order, after the plebiscite has taken place quite apart from how it may result to guarantee the safety of Germany’s free traffic with its province of  Danzig East Prussia, and to guarantee Poland’s connexion with the sea, Germany will receive, in the event of the plebiscite region falling to Poland, an extra territorial traffic zone in the direction of Butow Danzig or Dirschau, for the construction of a motor road and a four-track railway line. The road and the railway shall be constructed in such a manner that the Polish lines of communication will not be affected that is to say, it will be crossed either by viaducts or by tunnels. The width of the territory shall be fixed at one kilometre and this zone will remain German sovereign territory. If the plebiscite is advantageous to Germany, Poland shall receive the same right to extra-territorial roads and railways in order to ensure Polish traffic with the Port of Gdynia.

(9) In the event of the return of the Corridor to the German Reich an exchange of populations shall take place between Poland and Germany in so far as conditions in the Corridor perinit.

(10) Negotiations are to take place regarding the special rights desired by Poland in Danzig and similar rights desired by Germany in Gdynia.

(11) In order to remove the feeling of a threat, both Danzig and Gdynia shall receive the character of trading cities pure and simple that is to say, without any military establishments or fortifications.

(12) The Hela Peninsula will be completely demilitarized whether it falls, to Germany or to Poland.

(13) As the German Reich has strong complaints to make and Poland also believes she has grievances, both parties agree to submit these complaints to an international commission. Germany and Poland undertake to repair all economic and other damage that has occurred since 1918, or pay equivalent compensation, and to annul all expropriations.

(14) In order to remove the feeling of loss of national rights on the part of Germans remaining in Poland and Poles remaining in Germany, and to guarantee that they are not employed for actions or services which are incompatible with their national feeling, both parties shall undertake to protect the rights of each other’s minorities by agreements; in particular respecting freedom of organization of these minorities. Both parties undertake not to conscript members of these minorities for military service.

(15) After agreement in principle has been reached on these proposals Germany and Poland shall declare themselves prepared immediately to order the demobilization of their respective armed forces.

(16) Further measures that may be required to expedite the carrying out of the above agreement shall be the subject of mutual agreement between Germany and Poland. The boundary or base of the suggested plebiscite area referred to in Point 2 of the proposals would run from Marienwerder, at the westernmost extremity of East Prussia, 20 miles south of Marienburg, through Graudenz (Grudziadz), a Polish border town on the river Vistula, then through Bromberg (Bydgoszcz), a town with a population of more than 117,000, and strike west to Schönlanke, a German town on the border of Pomerania, 15 miles W.S.W. of Schneidemühl.

M. Lipski at once tried to get in touch with Warsaw, but all means of communication had deliberately been cut. The Polish Government never had an opportunity of considering Hitler’s terms, which were never communicated to them before they were broadcast to the world. Nor were they communicated to the British Government in writing before this broadcast. The German troops were marching into Poland when Hitler, on September 1, issued his perjured proclamation to the German Army.

The Polish State has refused the peaceful settlement of relations which I desired, and has appealed to arms. Germans in Poland are persecuted with bloody terror and driven from their houses series of violations of the frontier, intolerable to a great Power, prove that Poland is no longer willing to respect the frontier of the Reich. In order to put an end to this lunacy, I have no other choice than to meet force with force from now on. The German Army will fight the battle for the honour and the vital rights of  reborn Germany with hard determination. I expect that every soldier, mindful of the great traditions of eternal German soldiery, will ever remain conscious that he is a representative of the National Socialist Greater Germany. Long live our people and our Reich.

The Polish state has refused the peaceful settlement of relations which I desired. What the Polish state in reality refused was to send a plenipotentiary to Berlin to accept terms which they had never seen and we now know to be intolerable proposed under the threat of war. Messages between the British and German Governments passed until the early morning of September 3. At eleven o’clock on that day the Prime Minister declared Great Britain to be at war. The senseless ambition  of one man had  plunged Europe into an armed conflict the end of which no man could foresee. France, too, had imposed a time limit, and after 5 p.m. was also at war, which could only end when ·Hitlerism had been destroyed and a liberated Europe re-established.

During these fateful weeks noble efforts were made by His Holiness the Pope and the heads of neutral nations to secure a settlement by negotiation. President Roosevelt addressed messages to the King of Italy, to Herr Hitler, and to President Moscicki of Poland. On August 23 the King of the Belgians, in the name of the Oslo group of states represented by the King of Denmark, the President of Finland, the Grand  Duchess of Luxemburg, the King of Norway, the Queen of the Netherlands, and the King of Sweden, broadcast an appeal for peace a noble and generous appeal as the French Government termed it in their reply. Armies are gathering for a horrible struggle, he said,  which will know neither victor nor vanquished  the world is

moving in such a period of tension that there is a risk that all inter- national cooperation should become impossible lack of confidence reigns everywhere. But there is no people which wants to send its children to their deaths. All the States have the same interest. Time is getting short. If we wait much longer it will become more difficult to make direct contacts? Further, King Leopold and Queen Wilhelmina offered their personal mediation, a gesture welcomed by Britain, France and Italy. Then, on August 24, the Pope broadcast a most moving address to the world. A grave hour is striking for the great human family, he said,  an hour of tremendous deliberation, in which our spiritual authority cannot disinterest itself from the task of inducing mankind to return to the path of justice and truth lt is with the force of reason and not with that of arms that justice advances. Conquests and empires not founded on justice are not blessed by God. The danger is vast, but there is still time. Nothing is lost by peace. Everything is lost by war. Finally, Signor Mussolini, who by this time had decided to remain neutral, offered it convene an international, conference. But no neutral good will,` no appeal to humanity could budge for a moment the remorseless decision of one man.

Second Great War – a Standard History (9 Volume Set)

 

30th Milestones: Slaughter Pen Farm

Posted on December 8th, 2017 under . Posted by

30th Milestones: Slaughter Pen Farm

Over the last 12 months, you have joined me in celebrating the Civil War Trust’s 30 years of protecting America’s sacred battlefield land. From Fort Donelson in Tennessee, to Appomattox Court House in Virginia, you have played a key role in saving nearly 48,000 acres of hallowed ground since we embarked on this mission in 1987.

No project the Civil War Trust has undertaken has been more ambitious than our campaign to save the Slaughter Pen Farm at Fredericksburg. On December 13, 1862, John Gibbon’s division advanced across this land before temporarily breaking through Stonewall Jackson’s Confederate line. Virtually unsupported, Gibbon eventually had no choice but to fall back, hotly pursued by Jackson’s men. The fighting that followed was vicious, with both sides charging across the Slaughter Pen. Five brave Americans were later awarded the Medal of Honor for their actions on this land. By day’s end, the Confederate line held firm and the Federals had lost the best chance of success.

When the property was put on the market in 2005, it was zoned for industrial use and described as “one of the best industrial sites in the Commonwealth of Virginia.”

The situation looked grim, but we refused to throw in the towel.

Gibbon might have essentially been left to fend for himself, but we were fortunate enough to be able to rely on the steadfast support of our members. After working with our partners to have the property taken off the market, we announced in March 2006 what remains to this day the largest private battlefield acquisition in history, purchasing the 208-acre Slaughter Pen Farm for $12 million. Of this amount, the Central Virginia Battlefields Trust pledged $1 million — a colossal commitment for an organization of its size. True to form, the undaunted men and women of CVBT have since paid this sum in full.

Every one of our successes is a direct result of your dedication and generosity. In sustaining our mission, you not only honor the sacrifices of the men and women who built, defended, and defined our nation, but you help ensure that generations to come will be able to learn from some of the best outdoor classrooms in the world.

The Civil War Trust

30th Milestones: Slaughter Pen Farm

Posted on December 8th, 2017 under . Posted by

30th Milestones: Slaughter Pen Farm

Over the last 12 months, you have joined me in celebrating the Civil War Trust’s 30 years of protecting America’s sacred battlefield land. From Fort Donelson in Tennessee, to Appomattox Court House in Virginia, you have played a key role in saving nearly 48,000 acres of hallowed ground since we embarked on this mission in 1987.

No project the Civil War Trust has undertaken has been more ambitious than our campaign to save the Slaughter Pen Farm at Fredericksburg. On December 13, 1862, John Gibbon’s division advanced across this land before temporarily breaking through Stonewall Jackson’s Confederate line. Virtually unsupported, Gibbon eventually had no choice but to fall back, hotly pursued by Jackson’s men. The fighting that followed was vicious, with both sides charging across the Slaughter Pen. Five brave Americans were later awarded the Medal of Honor for their actions on this land. By day’s end, the Confederate line held firm and the Federals had lost the best chance of success.

When the property was put on the market in 2005, it was zoned for industrial use and described as “one of the best industrial sites in the Commonwealth of Virginia.”

The situation looked grim, but we refused to throw in the towel.

Gibbon might have essentially been left to fend for himself, but we were fortunate enough to be able to rely on the steadfast support of our members. After working with our partners to have the property taken off the market, we announced in March 2006 what remains to this day the largest private battlefield acquisition in history, purchasing the 208-acre Slaughter Pen Farm for $12 million. Of this amount, the Central Virginia Battlefields Trust pledged $1 million — a colossal commitment for an organization of its size. True to form, the undaunted men and women of CVBT have since paid this sum in full.

Every one of our successes is a direct result of your dedication and generosity. In sustaining our mission, you not only honor the sacrifices of the men and women who built, defended, and defined our nation, but you help ensure that generations to come will be able to learn from some of the best outdoor classrooms in the world.

The Civil War Trust

1815 Brunswickers Released from Pendraken Miniatures

Posted on December 7th, 2017 under . Posted by

It’s been a bit longer than planned but the new 1815 Brunswickers are now ready to take to the field!

The army of Brunswick was raised from volunteers by German-born Frederick William, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel. The Duke was a harsh opponent of Napoleon Bonaparte’s occupation of his native Germany and the corps initially comprised a mixed force when it was formed in 1809, around 2,300 men comprised of infantry, cavalry and later supporting artillery.

The Brunswickers earned themselves a fearsome reputation, taking part in several significant battles including Quatre Bras and Waterloo.  Recruiting and finance were always problematic and the corps was disbanded in the early 1820s.

Most units wore black uniforms, though some light units (such as sharpshooters and uhlans) wore green uniforms. The Brunswickers wore silvered skull badges on their hats.

Napoleonic 1815 Brunswickers

NBW1   Line infantry, march attack   £4.95

NBW1   Line infantry, march attack

NBW2   Line infantry, firing   £4.95

NBW2   Line infantry, firing

NBW3   Line infantry command   £4.95

NBW3   Line infantry command

NBW4   Line mounted officers (5)   £1.65

NBW4   Line mounted officers

NBW5   Light infantry, march attack, inc. command (16)   £2.65

NBW5   Light infantry, march attack, inc. command (16)

NBW6   Light infantry, firing, inc. command (16)   £2.65

NBW6   Light infantry, firing, inc. command (16)

NBW7   Light mounted officer (5)   £1.65

NBW7   Light mounted officer (5)

NBW8   Leib Battalion   £4.95

NBW8   Leib Battalion

NBW9   Leib Battalion mounted officer (5)   £1.65

NBW9   Leib Battalion mounted officer (5)

NBW10   Avant-Garde   £4.95

NBW10   Avant-Garde

NBW11   Hussars   £4.95

NBW11   Hussars

NBW12   Uhlans   £4.95

NBW12   Uhlans

NBW13   French 6pdr guns with foot crew (3)   £4.95

NBW13   French 6pdr guns with foot crew (3)

NBW14   French 6pdr guns with horse crew (3)   £4.95

NBW14   French 6pdr guns with horse crew (3)

NBW15   Duke of Brunswick and ADC (2)   £0.80

NBW15   Duke of Brunswick and ADC (2)

Army Pack:    4 x NBW1. 1 x NBW5, 11, 13. ½ x NBW3  –  £31.00

More releases to come soon!

Forum Discussion
Pendraken Miniatures

1815 Brunswickers Released from Pendraken Miniatures

Posted on December 7th, 2017 under . Posted by

It’s been a bit longer than planned but the new 1815 Brunswickers are now ready to take to the field!

The army of Brunswick was raised from volunteers by German-born Frederick William, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel. The Duke was a harsh opponent of Napoleon Bonaparte’s occupation of his native Germany and the corps initially comprised a mixed force when it was formed in 1809, around 2,300 men comprised of infantry, cavalry and later supporting artillery.

The Brunswickers earned themselves a fearsome reputation, taking part in several significant battles including Quatre Bras and Waterloo.  Recruiting and finance were always problematic and the corps was disbanded in the early 1820s.

Most units wore black uniforms, though some light units (such as sharpshooters and uhlans) wore green uniforms. The Brunswickers wore silvered skull badges on their hats.

Napoleonic 1815 Brunswickers

NBW1   Line infantry, march attack   £4.95

NBW1   Line infantry, march attack

NBW2   Line infantry, firing   £4.95

NBW2   Line infantry, firing

NBW3   Line infantry command   £4.95

NBW3   Line infantry command

NBW4   Line mounted officers (5)   £1.65

NBW4   Line mounted officers

NBW5   Light infantry, march attack, inc. command (16)   £2.65

NBW5   Light infantry, march attack, inc. command (16)

NBW6   Light infantry, firing, inc. command (16)   £2.65

NBW6   Light infantry, firing, inc. command (16)

NBW7   Light mounted officer (5)   £1.65

NBW7   Light mounted officer (5)

NBW8   Leib Battalion   £4.95

NBW8   Leib Battalion

NBW9   Leib Battalion mounted officer (5)   £1.65

NBW9   Leib Battalion mounted officer (5)

NBW10   Avant-Garde   £4.95

NBW10   Avant-Garde

NBW11   Hussars   £4.95

NBW11   Hussars

NBW12   Uhlans   £4.95

NBW12   Uhlans

NBW13   French 6pdr guns with foot crew (3)   £4.95

NBW13   French 6pdr guns with foot crew (3)

NBW14   French 6pdr guns with horse crew (3)   £4.95

NBW14   French 6pdr guns with horse crew (3)

NBW15   Duke of Brunswick and ADC (2)   £0.80

NBW15   Duke of Brunswick and ADC (2)

Army Pack:    4 x NBW1. 1 x NBW5, 11, 13. ½ x NBW3  –  £31.00

More releases to come soon!

Forum Discussion
Pendraken Miniatures

10mm German Ritter (Knights) Warmonger Miniatures

Posted on December 7th, 2017 under . Posted by

Warmonger Miniatures is running our sixth Kickstarter. Help us add this one to our list of success stories (Great Swords, Arquebusiers, Crossbowmen, Halberdiers and Reiter).In a nutshell, I’m a Warmaster gamer who’s after a Dogs of War army where I don…

10mm German Ritter (Knights) Warmonger Miniatures

Posted on December 7th, 2017 under . Posted by

Warmonger Miniatures is running our sixth Kickstarter. Help us add this one to our list of success stories (Great Swords, Arquebusiers, Crossbowmen, Halberdiers and Reiter).In a nutshell, I’m a Warmaster gamer who’s after a Dogs of War army where I don…

Medieval Warfare VII-6, Jan-Feb 2018

Posted on December 7th, 2017 under . Posted by

Medieval Warfare VII-6, Jan-Feb 2018

Medieval Warfare VII.6 with The legend of El Cid He was called The Campeador and El Cid, but what do we really know about the Castilian warrior Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar?

Theme: The legend of El Cid

Peter Konieczny, ‘The deeds of Rodrigo the Campeado – The man who became El Cid’.
Ann Christys, ‘The era of the Taifa States – When Iberia was shattered’.
Kyle C. Lincoln, ‘Living in a “basket of snakes” – The takeover of Toledo’.
Peter Konieczny, ‘”The clear exposition of the disastrous tragedy” – The conquest of Valencia’.
Simon Barton, ‘El Cid and the Principality of Valencia – A man “raised up by God”‘.
Francisco García Fitz, ‘Learning about medieval warfare from an epic – Warfare in The Song of the Cid’.
Mark Lewis, ‘A hero’s weapons in fact and legend – The swords of The Cid’.

Features:

David Pilling, ‘Was Henry III “playing chicken”? – The Siege of London in 1267’.
Kay Smith and Ruth R. Brown, ‘An ancient weapon in the Middle Ages – The Sling’.
Peter Konieczny, ‘His letter to the Duke of Milan in 1482 – Leonardo Da Vinci as military engineer’.
Pierre Gaite, ‘Combat training for knights – Forged in the fires of chivalry’.
Murray Dahm, ‘”I know what it is to take a city!” – The film of El Cid’.
Robert Mason and Craig Cipolla, ‘Vikings at the Royal Ontario Museum – A tale of two swords’.

Medieval Warfare

Medieval Warfare VII-6, Jan-Feb 2018

Posted on December 7th, 2017 under . Posted by

Medieval Warfare VII-6, Jan-Feb 2018

Medieval Warfare VII.6 with The legend of El Cid He was called The Campeador and El Cid, but what do we really know about the Castilian warrior Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar?

Theme: The legend of El Cid

Peter Konieczny, ‘The deeds of Rodrigo the Campeado – The man who became El Cid’.
Ann Christys, ‘The era of the Taifa States – When Iberia was shattered’.
Kyle C. Lincoln, ‘Living in a “basket of snakes” – The takeover of Toledo’.
Peter Konieczny, ‘”The clear exposition of the disastrous tragedy” – The conquest of Valencia’.
Simon Barton, ‘El Cid and the Principality of Valencia – A man “raised up by God”‘.
Francisco García Fitz, ‘Learning about medieval warfare from an epic – Warfare in The Song of the Cid’.
Mark Lewis, ‘A hero’s weapons in fact and legend – The swords of The Cid’.

Features:

David Pilling, ‘Was Henry III “playing chicken”? – The Siege of London in 1267’.
Kay Smith and Ruth R. Brown, ‘An ancient weapon in the Middle Ages – The Sling’.
Peter Konieczny, ‘His letter to the Duke of Milan in 1482 – Leonardo Da Vinci as military engineer’.
Pierre Gaite, ‘Combat training for knights – Forged in the fires of chivalry’.
Murray Dahm, ‘”I know what it is to take a city!” – The film of El Cid’.
Robert Mason and Craig Cipolla, ‘Vikings at the Royal Ontario Museum – A tale of two swords’.

Medieval Warfare

326 Acres of Hallowed Ground in Virginia

Posted on December 7th, 2017 under . Posted by

326 Acres of Hallowed Ground in Virginia

I am writing to you today about an incredible opportunity to save 326 acres of hallowed ground in the Civil War’s most fought-over state, Virginia.

With your help, we have saved more than 24,000 acres of battlefield land in the Old Dominion. When you think of just how much happened in Virginia the first major land battle of the war, the fall of Stonewall Jackson, Robert E. Lee’s surrender, and more than 120 significant battles and engagements in between it’s easy to understand why.

We are currently working to protect land at three different Virginia battlefields: Second Manassas, North Anna, and New Market Heights. At Second Manassas we will be adding 167 acres to the more than 200 we have already protected and ensuring that none of that lend will ever be desecrated by the construction of “McMansions.”

Further to the south we are fighting to save 126 acres at North Anna, including the site of the historic Fox House. Not only was North Anna a key battle of Ulysses S. Grant’s 1864 Overland Campaign, this site where Robert E. Lee reportedly stopped for a glass of buttermilk before the battle began is considered the lynchpin of the Confederate line.

Last but by no means least we have the chance to save 33 acres of core battlefield land at New Market Heights. Here, on September 29, 1864, several regiments of the United States Colored Troops assaulted and successfully captured a section of Confederate earthworks. Fourteen of those brave soldiers received the Medal of Honor for their courage under fire.

All told, these 326 acres are valued at more than $5.6 million. But, thanks to an incredible $33.42-to-these $1 match, you and I can save these tangible pieces of American history for only $167,900. Help us honor the courage shown and the sacrifices made by thousands of American soldiers at these pivotal battles in our nation’s defining conflict.

We need $167,900 to protect 326 acres of hallowed ground in Virginia. Help preserve this historic land for future generations to cherish.

The Civil War Trust

326 Acres of Hallowed Ground in Virginia

Posted on December 7th, 2017 under . Posted by

326 Acres of Hallowed Ground in Virginia

I am writing to you today about an incredible opportunity to save 326 acres of hallowed ground in the Civil War’s most fought-over state, Virginia.

With your help, we have saved more than 24,000 acres of battlefield land in the Old Dominion. When you think of just how much happened in Virginia the first major land battle of the war, the fall of Stonewall Jackson, Robert E. Lee’s surrender, and more than 120 significant battles and engagements in between it’s easy to understand why.

We are currently working to protect land at three different Virginia battlefields: Second Manassas, North Anna, and New Market Heights. At Second Manassas we will be adding 167 acres to the more than 200 we have already protected and ensuring that none of that lend will ever be desecrated by the construction of “McMansions.”

Further to the south we are fighting to save 126 acres at North Anna, including the site of the historic Fox House. Not only was North Anna a key battle of Ulysses S. Grant’s 1864 Overland Campaign, this site where Robert E. Lee reportedly stopped for a glass of buttermilk before the battle began is considered the lynchpin of the Confederate line.

Last but by no means least we have the chance to save 33 acres of core battlefield land at New Market Heights. Here, on September 29, 1864, several regiments of the United States Colored Troops assaulted and successfully captured a section of Confederate earthworks. Fourteen of those brave soldiers received the Medal of Honor for their courage under fire.

All told, these 326 acres are valued at more than $5.6 million. But, thanks to an incredible $33.42-to-these $1 match, you and I can save these tangible pieces of American history for only $167,900. Help us honor the courage shown and the sacrifices made by thousands of American soldiers at these pivotal battles in our nation’s defining conflict.

We need $167,900 to protect 326 acres of hallowed ground in Virginia. Help preserve this historic land for future generations to cherish.

The Civil War Trust

New Epsilon buildings Available from Pendraken Miniatures

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

Oscar at Escenografia Epsilon has been busy working on some new products and we’ve had our stock arrive!  These are single piece packs this time around but they are bigger buildings than you’d get in the multiple packs.  ll pre-painted as usual, ready to go straight onto your table.

Escenografia Epsilon

EPS-EMP04 – Fantasy/Medieval ‘T’ building – £9.95

 EPS-EMP04 - Fantasy/Medieval 'T' building - £9.95

EPS-SP02 – Spanish House, type 1 – £9.95

EPS-SP02 - Spanish House, type 1 - £9.95

EPS-SP03 – Spanish House, type 2 – £9.95

EPS-SP03 - Spanish House, type 2 - £9.95

There’s still a bit of time to get these in time for Christmas, but make sure to get them ordered soon!

New Epsilon buildings Available from Pendraken Miniatures

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

Oscar at Escenografia Epsilon has been busy working on some new products and we’ve had our stock arrive!  These are single piece packs this time around but they are bigger buildings than you’d get in the multiple packs.  ll pre-painted as usual, ready to go straight onto your table.

Escenografia Epsilon

EPS-EMP04 – Fantasy/Medieval ‘T’ building – £9.95

 EPS-EMP04 - Fantasy/Medieval 'T' building - £9.95

EPS-SP02 – Spanish House, type 1 – £9.95

EPS-SP02 - Spanish House, type 1 - £9.95

EPS-SP03 – Spanish House, type 2 – £9.95

EPS-SP03 - Spanish House, type 2 - £9.95

There’s still a bit of time to get these in time for Christmas, but make sure to get them ordered soon!

1/144 Yak-1 Winter Version from North Star

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

In the box

1/144 Yak-1 Winter Version from North Star

plastic kits of Yak-1 (2 models in the box)
resin parts for skis and RO-82 launchers with RS-82 rockets
2 variants of transparent canopy
photoetching plate.
decal by Begemot company – 5 possible variants of marking

PRE-ORDER open until December 10, model will be shipped after December 10 2017

North Star

1/144 Yak-1 Winter Version from North Star

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

In the box

1/144 Yak-1 Winter Version from North Star

plastic kits of Yak-1 (2 models in the box)
resin parts for skis and RO-82 launchers with RS-82 rockets
2 variants of transparent canopy
photoetching plate.
decal by Begemot company – 5 possible variants of marking

PRE-ORDER open until December 10, model will be shipped after December 10 2017

North Star

Britain’s Last Efforts To Avert War

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

Historic Documents. I

In this, the first of a series comprising the most important speeches, communications, statements and other documents relating to the Second Great War, are included extracts from the exchanges between London and Berlin during the ten days which ended with Germany’s invasion of Poland.

Following the publication of the news that Herr von Ribbentrop was proceeding to Moscow to sign a non-aggression pact with the U.S.S.R., Mr. Chamberlain wrote to Herr Hitler (August 22, 1939)  Whatever may prove to be the nature of the German Soviet Agreement, it cannot alter Great Britain’s obligation to Poland which his Majesty’s Government have stated in public repeatedly and plainly, and which they are determined to fulfil

It has been alleged that, if his Majesty’s Government had made their position more clear in 1914, the great catastrophe would have been avoided. Whether or not there is any force in that allegation, his Majesty’s Government are resolved that on this occasion there shall be no such tragic misunderstanding.

If the case should arise, they are resolved, and prepared, to employ without delay all the forces at their command, and it is impossible to foresee the end of hostilities once engaged. It would be a dangerous illusion to think that, if war once starts, it will come to an early end, even if a success on any one of the several fronts on which it will be engaged should have been secured.

Having thus made our position perfectly clear, I wish to repeat to you my conviction that war between our two peoples would be the greatest calamity that could occur. I am certain that it is desired neither by our people nor by yours, and I cannot see that there is anything in the questions arising between Germany and Poland which could not and should not be resolved without the use of force. if only a situation of confidence could be restored to enable discussions to be carried on in an atmosphere different from that which prevails today.

HERR Hitler TO MR. CHAMBERLAIN, August 23, 1939.  Germany has never sought conflict with England and has never interfered in English interests. On the contrary, she has for years endeavoured although unfortunately in vain to win England’s friendship.

The German Reich, however, like every other State possesses certain definite interests which it is impossible to renounce. To these questions belong the German City of Danzig and the connected problem of the Corridor.

Your Excellency informs me in the name of the British Government that you will be obliged to render assistance to Poland in any such case of intervention on the part of Germany take note of this statement of yours and assure you that it can make no change in the determination of the Reich Government to safeguard the interests of the Reich. Your assurance to the effect that in such an event you anticipate a long war is shared by myself. Germany if attacked by England will be found prepared and determined. I have already more than once declared before the German people and the world that there can be no doubt concerning the determination of the new German Reich rather to accept, for however long it might be, every sort of misery and tribulation than to sacrifice its national interests, let alone its honour.

H.M. GOVERNMENT TO THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR on, August 28. His Majesty’s Government note the Chancellor’s expression of his desire to make friendship the basis of the relations between Germany and the British Empire, and they fully share this desire. They believe with him that if a complete and lasting understanding between the two countries could be established it would bring untold blessings to both peoples.

A just settlement of these questions between Germany and Poland may open the way to world peace. Failure to reach it would ruin the hopes of better understanding between Germany and Great Britain, would bring the two countries into conflict and might well plunge the whole world into war. Such an outcome would be a calamity without parallel in history. 

HERR Hitler TO  H.M. GOVERNMENT, August 29, 1939. Though sceptical as to the prospects of a successful outcome, the German Government are prepared to accept the English proposal and to enter into direct discussions [with Poland]. They do so, as has already been emphasized, solely as the result of the impression made upon them by the written statement received from the British Government that they, too, desire a pact of friendship in accordance with the general lines indicated to the British Ambassador.

For the rest, in making these proposals the German Government have never had any intention of touching Poland’s vital interests or questioning the existence of an independent Polish State. The German Government accordingly, in these circumstances agree to accept the British Government’s offer of their good offices in securing the despatch to Berlin of a Polish Emissary with full powers. They count on the arrival of this Emissary on Wednesday, August 30, 1939.

H.M. GOVERNMENT TO THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR, August 30. His Majesty’s Government note that the German Government accept the British proposal and are prepared to enter into direct discussions with the Polish Government.

His Majesty’s Government also note that the German Government accepts the position of the British Government as to Poland’s vital interests and independence. His Majesty’s Government are at once informing the Polish Government off the German Government’s reply.

His Majesty’s Government fully recognize the need for speed in the initiation of discussion, and they share the apprehensions of the Chancellor arising from the proximity of two mobilized armies standing face to face. They would accordingly most, strongly urge that both parties should undertake that during the negotiations no aggressive military movements will take place.

His Majesty’s Government feel confident that they could obtain such an undertaking from the Polish. Government if the German Government would give similar assurances.

 HERR Hitler TO  H.M. GOVERNMENT, August 31. On August 29 the German Government, in spite of being sceptical as to the desire of the Polish Government to come to an understanding, declared themselves ready in the interests of peace to accept the British mediation or suggestion.

In this sense they declared themselves ready to receive a personage appointed by the Polish Government upto the evening of August 30, with the proviso that the latter was, in fact, empowered not only to discuss but to conduct and conclude negotiations. 

The German Government Have Waited in Vain 
Instead of a statement regarding the arrival of an authorized Polish personage, the first answer the Government of the Reich received to their readiness for an understanding was the news of the Polish mobilization, and only towards 12 o’clock’ on the night of August 30, 1939, did they receive at somewhat general assurance of British readiness to help towards the commencement of negotiations.

It has once more been made clear, as a result of a dérnarche which has meanwhile been made by the Polish Ambassador. that the latter himself has no plenary powers either to enter into any discussion or even to negotiate.

The Fuehrer and the German Government have thus waited two days in vain for the arrival of a Polish negotiator with plenary powers.

In these circumstances, the German Government regard their proposals as having this time, too, been to all intents and purposes rejected, although they considered that these proposals, in the form in which they were made known to the British Government also, were more than loyal, fair and practicable.

H.M. GOVERNMENT TO SIR NEVILE HENDERSON, 11 p.m. August 31. Please inform German Government that we understand that Polish Government are taking steps to establish contact with them through Polish Ambassador in Berlin. Please also ask them whether they agree to the necessity for securing an immediate provisional modus vivendi as regards Danzig. 

Britain’s Last Efforts To Avert War

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

Historic Documents. I

In this, the first of a series comprising the most important speeches, communications, statements and other documents relating to the Second Great War, are included extracts from the exchanges between London and Berlin during the ten days which ended with Germany’s invasion of Poland.

Following the publication of the news that Herr von Ribbentrop was proceeding to Moscow to sign a non-aggression pact with the U.S.S.R., Mr. Chamberlain wrote to Herr Hitler (August 22, 1939)  Whatever may prove to be the nature of the German Soviet Agreement, it cannot alter Great Britain’s obligation to Poland which his Majesty’s Government have stated in public repeatedly and plainly, and which they are determined to fulfil

It has been alleged that, if his Majesty’s Government had made their position more clear in 1914, the great catastrophe would have been avoided. Whether or not there is any force in that allegation, his Majesty’s Government are resolved that on this occasion there shall be no such tragic misunderstanding.

If the case should arise, they are resolved, and prepared, to employ without delay all the forces at their command, and it is impossible to foresee the end of hostilities once engaged. It would be a dangerous illusion to think that, if war once starts, it will come to an early end, even if a success on any one of the several fronts on which it will be engaged should have been secured.

Having thus made our position perfectly clear, I wish to repeat to you my conviction that war between our two peoples would be the greatest calamity that could occur. I am certain that it is desired neither by our people nor by yours, and I cannot see that there is anything in the questions arising between Germany and Poland which could not and should not be resolved without the use of force. if only a situation of confidence could be restored to enable discussions to be carried on in an atmosphere different from that which prevails today.

HERR Hitler TO MR. CHAMBERLAIN, August 23, 1939.  Germany has never sought conflict with England and has never interfered in English interests. On the contrary, she has for years endeavoured although unfortunately in vain to win England’s friendship.

The German Reich, however, like every other State possesses certain definite interests which it is impossible to renounce. To these questions belong the German City of Danzig and the connected problem of the Corridor.

Your Excellency informs me in the name of the British Government that you will be obliged to render assistance to Poland in any such case of intervention on the part of Germany take note of this statement of yours and assure you that it can make no change in the determination of the Reich Government to safeguard the interests of the Reich. Your assurance to the effect that in such an event you anticipate a long war is shared by myself. Germany if attacked by England will be found prepared and determined. I have already more than once declared before the German people and the world that there can be no doubt concerning the determination of the new German Reich rather to accept, for however long it might be, every sort of misery and tribulation than to sacrifice its national interests, let alone its honour.

H.M. GOVERNMENT TO THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR on, August 28. His Majesty’s Government note the Chancellor’s expression of his desire to make friendship the basis of the relations between Germany and the British Empire, and they fully share this desire. They believe with him that if a complete and lasting understanding between the two countries could be established it would bring untold blessings to both peoples.

A just settlement of these questions between Germany and Poland may open the way to world peace. Failure to reach it would ruin the hopes of better understanding between Germany and Great Britain, would bring the two countries into conflict and might well plunge the whole world into war. Such an outcome would be a calamity without parallel in history. 

HERR Hitler TO  H.M. GOVERNMENT, August 29, 1939. Though sceptical as to the prospects of a successful outcome, the German Government are prepared to accept the English proposal and to enter into direct discussions [with Poland]. They do so, as has already been emphasized, solely as the result of the impression made upon them by the written statement received from the British Government that they, too, desire a pact of friendship in accordance with the general lines indicated to the British Ambassador.

For the rest, in making these proposals the German Government have never had any intention of touching Poland’s vital interests or questioning the existence of an independent Polish State. The German Government accordingly, in these circumstances agree to accept the British Government’s offer of their good offices in securing the despatch to Berlin of a Polish Emissary with full powers. They count on the arrival of this Emissary on Wednesday, August 30, 1939.

H.M. GOVERNMENT TO THE GERMAN CHANCELLOR, August 30. His Majesty’s Government note that the German Government accept the British proposal and are prepared to enter into direct discussions with the Polish Government.

His Majesty’s Government also note that the German Government accepts the position of the British Government as to Poland’s vital interests and independence. His Majesty’s Government are at once informing the Polish Government off the German Government’s reply.

His Majesty’s Government fully recognize the need for speed in the initiation of discussion, and they share the apprehensions of the Chancellor arising from the proximity of two mobilized armies standing face to face. They would accordingly most, strongly urge that both parties should undertake that during the negotiations no aggressive military movements will take place.

His Majesty’s Government feel confident that they could obtain such an undertaking from the Polish. Government if the German Government would give similar assurances.

 HERR Hitler TO  H.M. GOVERNMENT, August 31. On August 29 the German Government, in spite of being sceptical as to the desire of the Polish Government to come to an understanding, declared themselves ready in the interests of peace to accept the British mediation or suggestion.

In this sense they declared themselves ready to receive a personage appointed by the Polish Government upto the evening of August 30, with the proviso that the latter was, in fact, empowered not only to discuss but to conduct and conclude negotiations. 

The German Government Have Waited in Vain 
Instead of a statement regarding the arrival of an authorized Polish personage, the first answer the Government of the Reich received to their readiness for an understanding was the news of the Polish mobilization, and only towards 12 o’clock’ on the night of August 30, 1939, did they receive at somewhat general assurance of British readiness to help towards the commencement of negotiations.

It has once more been made clear, as a result of a dérnarche which has meanwhile been made by the Polish Ambassador. that the latter himself has no plenary powers either to enter into any discussion or even to negotiate.

The Fuehrer and the German Government have thus waited two days in vain for the arrival of a Polish negotiator with plenary powers.

In these circumstances, the German Government regard their proposals as having this time, too, been to all intents and purposes rejected, although they considered that these proposals, in the form in which they were made known to the British Government also, were more than loyal, fair and practicable.

H.M. GOVERNMENT TO SIR NEVILE HENDERSON, 11 p.m. August 31. Please inform German Government that we understand that Polish Government are taking steps to establish contact with them through Polish Ambassador in Berlin. Please also ask them whether they agree to the necessity for securing an immediate provisional modus vivendi as regards Danzig. 

Danzig: Excuse For Aggression

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

Vicissitudes of Danzig-Re-establishment of the Free City The Polish Corridor-Poles Create Port of Gdynia-Danzig Dissentients Establishment of Danzig Nazi Party Arnold Forster’s Campaign of Pin-pricks and Insults Nazis Dominate the Free City Propaganda for Incorporation in the Reich Tension Grows Germany Invades Corridor

In 1914 Europe and ultimately the world were plunged into war because of a terrorist’s bullet in the Balkans. In 1939 war came again to the world because the people of Danzig were resolved to rejoin the Reich. Perhaps the one statement is as true as the other, though of a certainty neither is the whole truth. Nevertheless, the murder of the Austrian Archduke was the spark that set fire to the powder barrel in 1914; and in 1939 the proclamation that Danzig had “ returned home ” meant that Hitler’s Germany had decided to appeal to the arbitrament of the sword in its quarrel with Poland and with Poland’s allies.  Danzig has never been long absent from the pages of history. Situated at the mouth of the Vistula, it occupies a position of great economic importance, and apart from the fact that the Romans had a settlement in the neighbourhood, the place has been a centre of human intercourse for nearly a thousand years. Danes, Pomeranians, Prussians, Brandenburgers and Poles struggled for its possession, and from 1308 to 1454 it was the prosperous settlement of that famed medieval order the Teutonic Knights. When the power and discipline of the Knights declined, Danzig shook off their yoke and became part of Polish territory. Though nominally subject, however, it enjoyed the status and all the rights of a Free City; in fact, it was the head of a territory comprising some thirty townships. At this time it was also a member of the Hanseatic League, that combination of North European trading cities which for long constituted what was in fact a commercial empire. With the coming of the modern age it entered a period of troubled history, and in the wars between the Russians, the German states and Poland in the 17th and 18th centuries, it suffered severely.

When in 1772 Russia, Austria and Prussia descended like imperial birds of prey on the body of Poland, then sorely stricken by internal feuds, Danzig was separated from Poland, and in 1793 during the Second Partition it was definitely allotted to Prussia. For a short time it was a dukedom, but in 1814 it was  returned to Prussia, and it was the capital of West Prussia until 1919. At Versailles Danzig’s future again came under review, and it was resolved that the ancient Free City should be re-established under the protection of the League of Nations, primarily with a view to providing the newly restored state of Poland with control of the mouth of the river on which its life chiefly depended. By the end of 1920 the new order had il been established. Politically, the Free City enjoyed complete self government, but, economically, it was closely linked a with its great neighbour Poland and Danzig formed a single customs territory, Poland enjoying special privileges in the port and controlling the foreign relations of the little state.  Adjoining the free territory of Danzig is the province of Pomorze, the so-called Polish Corridor. History books talk of it as Pomerania, i.e. ” along the sea ” it consists of Eastern Pomerania, which lies west of the Vistula, and the territory  of Kuhn, which lies on the eastern bank of the great river. Seized by Prussia in the First Partition of Poland in 1772, the region remained Polish even during those years of the 19th century when all the efforts of the Prussian governing machine were directed towards the eradication of everything that savoured of Polish national sentiment.

Despite   the German rule of over 140 years, the great majority of the population were still Poles in race, culture and language when, in 1919, the treaty makers at Versailles decreed that this portion of the German state should be restored to Poland. The action could be justified on racial and linguistic grounds, but another reason was the need for providing Poland with an outlet to the sea. It was early in 1920 that the first High Commissioner came to reside in Danzig and Poland took formal possession of the Polish Corridor. The rulers of the resuscitated Poland were well aware of Danzig’s present importance, but the fact could not be hid that it was predominantly German. Rather than have to rely completely on a port which, if not actually anti-Polish, was at least unPolish, the authorities in Warsaw decided upon the creation of an entirely new port on the Baltic coast of the Corridor, northwest of Danzig. The site they chose was Gdynia, and in the course of a few years what was then an insignificant fishing village developed into one of the great ports of Europe. While Poland was struggling with internal difficulties and with foreign foes, both Gdynia and Danzig advanced in wealth and importance. By 1932 two- thirds of all Poland’s trade went by the sea routes commanded by the two ports. So considerable was Poland’s overseas  trade, indeed, that there was room for both the old port and the new and despite the spectacular rise of Gdynia, Danzig’s trade was soon far in excess of what it had been when it was part of the Kaiser’s realm. Nevertheless, there was rivalry between Danzig and Gdynia there was friction between the Poles and the Danziger’s, and, of course  with the latter’s German supporters, from the very commencement of the new order.

Germany regarded the loss of the Corridor and of Danzig as an unstaunched wound in her side and as the years passed there were innumerable clashes over economic and political issues. There was trouble for instance over the partial confiscation of the estates of German landowners in the Corridor a measure carried out in accordance with the new Polish land laws aiming at the improvement of the status of the peasants and there was resentment at Poland’s decision to erect a munitions dump or naval base at Westerplatte and at the claims put forward on behalf of Polish customs officers and postal officials in the territory.

For years Danzig and the Corridor were permanent items in the agenda of the League of Nations at Geneva, and it became a matter of principle for the successive German governments to champion the  rights of the allegedly suppressed Germans who had been cut off from the Fatherland by the Versailles “ Diktat.” When Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933 there was a distinct improvement in the relations between the Reich and Poland, resulting from the Fuehrer’s Ten year Treaty with Poland of January 26, 1934. In Danzig, however, the voice of the dissenters against League rule became ever more loud.

A Nazi party was established, and it was not long before it had completely captured the political machine and was working it on the totalitarian model. However friendly he might wish to be with Poland, Hitler never disguised his sympathies with the Germans of Danzig, and to a lesser degree with those occupying the Corridor. The Danzig Nazis, under the leadership of Albert Forster, by a combination of pin-pricks and insults made the position of the High Commissioner unbearable, and as soon as they achieved a majority in the Diet they subjected all the non-Nazi elements to a system of organized repression. A stream of inspired Nazi propaganda was poured out in favour of the city’s reunion with the Reich. All who favoured the democratic regime, or who advocated an understanding between the two peoples, were silenced by the brutal arguments usually employed by the Nazis prison  and the concentration camp, the cudgel and the assassin’s bullet. The Jews the A merchants and bankers who had always played so large a part in the city’s life and on whose talent its prosperity was so largely, grounded vigere driven out and o plundered. Hitler’s henchmen forced their way into every public office, and when in 1936 Arthur Greiser, the Nazi President of the Danzig Senate, was summoned to account by the League of Nations, he made a defiant speech at Geneva demanding the end of the League control.

By the end of 1937 the Free City was completely in the hands of the Nazis, and early in the next year Forster  declared that Berlin Has resumed control of the city’s foreign policy. Poland could do little to stem the Nazi tide. During 1938 it was understood that in return for certain economic concessions Poland was prepared to abandon her political claims, but in the autumn the position worsened following upon Forster’s declaration that the Germans in Danzig would soon be rewarded for their suffering just as the Germans in Austria and the Sudetenland had been rewarded. By the close of the year Danzig’s reincorporation in the Reich had become a matter of immediate political interest. Towards the end of July, 1939, it was announced that the Danzig police force had been increased from 1,500 to nearly 4,000 men owing to the ” necessity for protecting Danzig from the Polish army,” and tension between Poland and Danzig was further aggravated by the dismissal of Polish workmen in the shipyards interference with the rights and functions of Polish customs officials, and, finally, the shooting of one of the latter by Nazi storm troopers. As the days passed the tension grew. From Warsaw there came a statement that if the Germans insisted on realizing their plan of incorporating Danzig in the Reich, then Poland would be forced to resort to arms, knowing that she was fighting for her own independence. July passed into August, and it became increasingly apparent that Herr Hitler was contemplating yet another of those aggressive actions against neighbouring states which in the  past had proved so successful. Confronted by the possibility of a European, and possibly a world war, the statesmen of the powers strove unceasingly for peace. It was not to be however. On September 1 Herr Hitler’s troops entered the Corridor,  and on that morning Forster announced to the Danziger’s that  the hour for which you have been longing for twenty years has come. This day Danzig has returned to the great German Reich.

Second Great War – a Standard History (9 Volume Set)

 

Danzig: Excuse For Aggression

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

Vicissitudes of Danzig-Re-establishment of the Free City The Polish Corridor-Poles Create Port of Gdynia-Danzig Dissentients Establishment of Danzig Nazi Party Arnold Forster’s Campaign of Pin-pricks and Insults Nazis Dominate the Free City Propaganda for Incorporation in the Reich Tension Grows Germany Invades Corridor

In 1914 Europe and ultimately the world were plunged into war because of a terrorist’s bullet in the Balkans. In 1939 war came again to the world because the people of Danzig were resolved to rejoin the Reich. Perhaps the one statement is as true as the other, though of a certainty neither is the whole truth. Nevertheless, the murder of the Austrian Archduke was the spark that set fire to the powder barrel in 1914; and in 1939 the proclamation that Danzig had “ returned home ” meant that Hitler’s Germany had decided to appeal to the arbitrament of the sword in its quarrel with Poland and with Poland’s allies.  Danzig has never been long absent from the pages of history. Situated at the mouth of the Vistula, it occupies a position of great economic importance, and apart from the fact that the Romans had a settlement in the neighbourhood, the place has been a centre of human intercourse for nearly a thousand years. Danes, Pomeranians, Prussians, Brandenburgers and Poles struggled for its possession, and from 1308 to 1454 it was the prosperous settlement of that famed medieval order the Teutonic Knights. When the power and discipline of the Knights declined, Danzig shook off their yoke and became part of Polish territory. Though nominally subject, however, it enjoyed the status and all the rights of a Free City; in fact, it was the head of a territory comprising some thirty townships. At this time it was also a member of the Hanseatic League, that combination of North European trading cities which for long constituted what was in fact a commercial empire. With the coming of the modern age it entered a period of troubled history, and in the wars between the Russians, the German states and Poland in the 17th and 18th centuries, it suffered severely.

When in 1772 Russia, Austria and Prussia descended like imperial birds of prey on the body of Poland, then sorely stricken by internal feuds, Danzig was separated from Poland, and in 1793 during the Second Partition it was definitely allotted to Prussia. For a short time it was a dukedom, but in 1814 it was  returned to Prussia, and it was the capital of West Prussia until 1919. At Versailles Danzig’s future again came under review, and it was resolved that the ancient Free City should be re-established under the protection of the League of Nations, primarily with a view to providing the newly restored state of Poland with control of the mouth of the river on which its life chiefly depended. By the end of 1920 the new order had il been established. Politically, the Free City enjoyed complete self government, but, economically, it was closely linked a with its great neighbour Poland and Danzig formed a single customs territory, Poland enjoying special privileges in the port and controlling the foreign relations of the little state.  Adjoining the free territory of Danzig is the province of Pomorze, the so-called Polish Corridor. History books talk of it as Pomerania, i.e. ” along the sea ” it consists of Eastern Pomerania, which lies west of the Vistula, and the territory  of Kuhn, which lies on the eastern bank of the great river. Seized by Prussia in the First Partition of Poland in 1772, the region remained Polish even during those years of the 19th century when all the efforts of the Prussian governing machine were directed towards the eradication of everything that savoured of Polish national sentiment.

Despite   the German rule of over 140 years, the great majority of the population were still Poles in race, culture and language when, in 1919, the treaty makers at Versailles decreed that this portion of the German state should be restored to Poland. The action could be justified on racial and linguistic grounds, but another reason was the need for providing Poland with an outlet to the sea. It was early in 1920 that the first High Commissioner came to reside in Danzig and Poland took formal possession of the Polish Corridor. The rulers of the resuscitated Poland were well aware of Danzig’s present importance, but the fact could not be hid that it was predominantly German. Rather than have to rely completely on a port which, if not actually anti-Polish, was at least unPolish, the authorities in Warsaw decided upon the creation of an entirely new port on the Baltic coast of the Corridor, northwest of Danzig. The site they chose was Gdynia, and in the course of a few years what was then an insignificant fishing village developed into one of the great ports of Europe. While Poland was struggling with internal difficulties and with foreign foes, both Gdynia and Danzig advanced in wealth and importance. By 1932 two- thirds of all Poland’s trade went by the sea routes commanded by the two ports. So considerable was Poland’s overseas  trade, indeed, that there was room for both the old port and the new and despite the spectacular rise of Gdynia, Danzig’s trade was soon far in excess of what it had been when it was part of the Kaiser’s realm. Nevertheless, there was rivalry between Danzig and Gdynia there was friction between the Poles and the Danziger’s, and, of course  with the latter’s German supporters, from the very commencement of the new order.

Germany regarded the loss of the Corridor and of Danzig as an unstaunched wound in her side and as the years passed there were innumerable clashes over economic and political issues. There was trouble for instance over the partial confiscation of the estates of German landowners in the Corridor a measure carried out in accordance with the new Polish land laws aiming at the improvement of the status of the peasants and there was resentment at Poland’s decision to erect a munitions dump or naval base at Westerplatte and at the claims put forward on behalf of Polish customs officers and postal officials in the territory.

For years Danzig and the Corridor were permanent items in the agenda of the League of Nations at Geneva, and it became a matter of principle for the successive German governments to champion the  rights of the allegedly suppressed Germans who had been cut off from the Fatherland by the Versailles “ Diktat.” When Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933 there was a distinct improvement in the relations between the Reich and Poland, resulting from the Fuehrer’s Ten year Treaty with Poland of January 26, 1934. In Danzig, however, the voice of the dissenters against League rule became ever more loud.

A Nazi party was established, and it was not long before it had completely captured the political machine and was working it on the totalitarian model. However friendly he might wish to be with Poland, Hitler never disguised his sympathies with the Germans of Danzig, and to a lesser degree with those occupying the Corridor. The Danzig Nazis, under the leadership of Albert Forster, by a combination of pin-pricks and insults made the position of the High Commissioner unbearable, and as soon as they achieved a majority in the Diet they subjected all the non-Nazi elements to a system of organized repression. A stream of inspired Nazi propaganda was poured out in favour of the city’s reunion with the Reich. All who favoured the democratic regime, or who advocated an understanding between the two peoples, were silenced by the brutal arguments usually employed by the Nazis prison  and the concentration camp, the cudgel and the assassin’s bullet. The Jews the A merchants and bankers who had always played so large a part in the city’s life and on whose talent its prosperity was so largely, grounded vigere driven out and o plundered. Hitler’s henchmen forced their way into every public office, and when in 1936 Arthur Greiser, the Nazi President of the Danzig Senate, was summoned to account by the League of Nations, he made a defiant speech at Geneva demanding the end of the League control.

By the end of 1937 the Free City was completely in the hands of the Nazis, and early in the next year Forster  declared that Berlin Has resumed control of the city’s foreign policy. Poland could do little to stem the Nazi tide. During 1938 it was understood that in return for certain economic concessions Poland was prepared to abandon her political claims, but in the autumn the position worsened following upon Forster’s declaration that the Germans in Danzig would soon be rewarded for their suffering just as the Germans in Austria and the Sudetenland had been rewarded. By the close of the year Danzig’s reincorporation in the Reich had become a matter of immediate political interest. Towards the end of July, 1939, it was announced that the Danzig police force had been increased from 1,500 to nearly 4,000 men owing to the ” necessity for protecting Danzig from the Polish army,” and tension between Poland and Danzig was further aggravated by the dismissal of Polish workmen in the shipyards interference with the rights and functions of Polish customs officials, and, finally, the shooting of one of the latter by Nazi storm troopers. As the days passed the tension grew. From Warsaw there came a statement that if the Germans insisted on realizing their plan of incorporating Danzig in the Reich, then Poland would be forced to resort to arms, knowing that she was fighting for her own independence. July passed into August, and it became increasingly apparent that Herr Hitler was contemplating yet another of those aggressive actions against neighbouring states which in the  past had proved so successful. Confronted by the possibility of a European, and possibly a world war, the statesmen of the powers strove unceasingly for peace. It was not to be however. On September 1 Herr Hitler’s troops entered the Corridor,  and on that morning Forster announced to the Danziger’s that  the hour for which you have been longing for twenty years has come. This day Danzig has returned to the great German Reich.

Second Great War – a Standard History (9 Volume Set)

 

LARC VTOL from Kore Thinking

Posted on December 6th, 2017 under . Posted by

Got my 10mm samples back from the sculptor tonight! The little baby LARC is an awesome VTOL!It will fit smoothly in scale with all of these 10mm cars, and even has 4 upgrade kits in 10mm. Hmmm.. we may have to put these into production.LARC VTOLLARC VT…